Why Is the Divorce Rate so Low in Japan free essay sample

Japan has gained a reputation of having a low divorce rate compared to other countries. Indeed, between 1945 and 1990, the divorce rate of Japan has never been higher than 1. 5 per 1000 population. Since the 1990s, the divorce rate of Japan increased, reaching 2. 08 in 2005. even if we can consider this a low divorce rate in comparison with the U. S, compared with other industrialized country, it is an average rate. Then, why is Japans divorce rate considered so low? We will see first why I do not consider Japans divorce rate low, then the historical reasons of the divorce rate, the actual reasons of the divorce rate and, finally, what to expect in the future. gt;gt; why do I not consider the Japanese divorce rate low? Since World War II, Japan has been considered a country with really low divorce rate. Indeed, according to the figure 1. 2, Japan divorce rate in 1945 was 1. We will write a custom essay sample on Why Is the Divorce Rate so Low in Japan? or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page 1 per 1000 of population. Since the 1960s, divorce rate in Japan has been growing, with a peak in 2002 when there have been 290,000 divorce. Since then, the divorce rate has decreased. In 2005, there has been 262. 000 divorce, and the divorce rate has been 2. 08 per 1000 population. Because a U. S. -Japan comparison formed the basis for the majority of divorce studies, the Japanese divorce rate appeared low. However, if Japan had been compared with Southern European countries like Spain, Greece, Portugal or Italy, its divorce rate would not have appeared particularly low. By 2000, the Japanese divorce rate placed the nation somewhere in the middle band of European countries, but still very low in comparison to the United States. Even though the American divorce rate has been declining in recent years, it is still extremely high compared with all European countries as the figure 1. 1 clearly shows. gt;gt; historical reasons of the actual level of the divorce rate? Elevated divorce rates in Japan arent a new phenomenon, indeed in the 19th century, Japanese divorce rates have been exceeded only by those in the 1970s in the United States. In the 19th century and before, it was fairly common for people to try marriage and to divorce if necessary. Remarriage was also normal for women and men. Even spouse testing was accepted inside the ociety. Only the samurai didnt follow this rule and married once and only. Until the introduction of the Meiji Civil Code of 1898, Japan had some of the highest divorce rates in the world. Under the old peasant marriage system, women were considered a valuable economic resource by families. Young wives were often tested out by the new family in trial marriages and if they did not me et the required standard, they were sent back home. Thus, most divorces occurred in the early stages of marriage. Remarriage rates for both men and women were high, but later marriages were usually stable. Harold Fuess wrote a book about the â€Å"forgotten history† of Japan divorce: Family, Gender and the State 1600-2000, by Harold Feuss. He explains how in 1898, the civil code and some new laws on family registration led to a sharp decline in divorce rates. One of the aims of the Meiji legislation was to discourage divorce and bring Japan more in line with European marriage and divorce trends. In its drive to modernize the country, the Meiji government managed to impose the anti-divorce values of the former elite Samurai classes on the general population. Samurai customs had previously only been associated with a very small fraction of the population. So successful were the governments efforts that nowadays most Japanese are unaware than their country once had one of the highest divorce rates in the world. The act in itself of codifying family regulation generated some frictions between customs, newly â€Å"invented traditions† and western legal practices, that made people believe of divorcing as a way of dishonoring ones family, group, or country. Therefore, between 1898 and 1940, the divorce rates declined. The strengthening of the institution of marriage was also helped by the economic growth and the industrialization of Japan. Indeed, thanks to the growth, each family had more or less a growing comfort level, it was usual for women not to work, in case of divorce, women were highly at a disadvantage: they could not support themselves, and therefore not a child. Marriage was therefore seen as an economic and social stability, furthermore, a new sexual morality has developed which reinforced the idea that marriage was a national disgrace and a poor reflection on women rights. Harold Fuess highlights the fact that the Japanese government has a big part of this idea that divorce is not part of the history of Japan. Indeed, in 1997, the government suppressed textbooks that reported the high divorce rates of the past. After World War II, Japan gained an undeserved reputation for low divorce rates, the current â€Å"explosion† of divorce rate is just Japan going back to the high level of the 19th century. gt;gt; what are the actual reasons of the divorce rate? As in other developed countries, the reasons why couples divorce are usually a complex combination of factors which vary from individual case and change over time. The most commonly cited reasons for Japanese divorce in the nineties were an extramarital affair, neglect of family, financial/economic problems, incompatibility, sexual problems, alcoholism, physical abuse and problems with in-laws. Some of the major social currents in the divorce equation were the changing concepts of marriage, a reluctance to have children, changing family structures, the emergence of more diverse family models, increased educational opportunities for women, enhanced female economic status, better career opportunities for women and positive media images of divorce, inter alia. But that are the reasons for divorce nowadays, lets concentrate on why people would not want a divorce, even when facing those problems. First of all, Japan is deficient in several areas of child support , most importantly having no mechanism in place for enforcing payment or collecting arrears. There is also no system for tracking down non-compliant fathers, no requirement to conduct DNA-paternity tests and no means for deducing money from the delinquent fathers salary. The courts normally do not take action if a spouse does not meet their obligations. To make matters worse, the legal framework for solving child support disputes is totally inadequate and requires an inordinate amount of time and money. People may not want to try and go alone in raising their children after a divorce considering all those problems concerning child support. Furthermore, the cost of rising a child in Japan is really high, therefore, with only one salary the perspective of rising children can be really hard. Indeed, after the divorce, usually children are under the care of their mothers, and the parental rights of the father are inexistent. Secondly, Divorce in Japan, like marriage, is easy if both parties agree to it. All you have to do is head for the Ward Office and fill out a Divorce Form. This is called kyougi rikon, or divorce by mutual consent, which happens, estimates a lawyer in about 80% of divorces. Assets, possessions, or property are divided up either informally or through the legal community. However, if both parties do not agree to divorce, things can get very messy. According to Japan Civil Code Article 770, there are five grounds for unilateral divorce: infidelity, malicious desertion (which for foreign spouses can include being deported), uncertainty whether or not the spouse is dead or alive for three years or more, serious mental disease without hope of recovery, or a grave reason which makes continuing the marriage impossible. What is considered a grave reason is unclear, and at the discretion of a judge if things go to court. However, the simple fact that you do not like each other anymore, i. e. a matter of irreconcilable differences, is not considered to be sufficient grounds. Here things begin to pinch. If one side refuses to agree to the divorce, you will have to negotiate until you do, which can take many years. You can legally separate, but this is not a divorce, and you cannot remarry. The fact that divorce can be so difficult in certain case leads people to seek legal separation instead of actual divorce. Plus, the access to court can be really difficult since there are not a lot of lawyer in Japan. Those are the two of the main reason why people do not seek to divorce in Japan, the difficulty of getting a divorce if there is no agreement, and the cost of rising children. gt;gt; what to expect for the future? Divorce may rise after a change in law in 2007. Indeed, spouses will be eligible for up to half of partners pensions. Hiromi Ikeuchi, author of The Costs and Benefits of Divorce in Middle Age, is convinced the decline since 2002 does not mean married couples have become more content. She believes many unhappy spouses have been biding their time since 2001, when discussions on changes to the pension system began. The revision was passed in 2004. Men have just recently begun learning about the new law that divides their employee pensions, but housewives have been aware of the change since around 2001. The recent dip in the divorce rate is merely the calm before the storm, and the number of divorces is likely to spike, even surpassing 300,000 in 2007. Though men appear blissfully unaware of the danger, Ikeuchi said many housewives, especially those over 50, are waiting patiently for the new rules to take effect. The new pension system was created to cope with the growing number of divorces among middle-aged couples and to support (divorced) women. Under the current system, divorced wives are only granted a basic pension of no more than 66,000 yen a month. By forcing husbands to share their employee pensions, which vary depending on average earnings and length of employment, a typical housewife could get up to twice as much if they hold out until April. There was also a change in the way welfare is distributed: all single parent households receive less money. Indeed, in 2006, a new law has been voted, the Health, Labor and Welfare ministry stopped giving the â€Å"mother child supplement† for depending children over 15 years old. 80% of single mother work. This figure includes widows, divorced women, and single mothers. They earn in average 30% of the income of an average household, and 17. % of them dont receive any money from the father of their children. This new law wont incite women to get a divorce, or on the contrary will incite them to marry and get a divorce. Indeed, as a never married woman with child receive less money than even a single father, and much less than a divorced woman. Therefore, it is more advantageous f or women to marry and then to divorce. Even if this change in welfare distribution may will be compensated by the law on spouse pension, the fact that single parents will receive less and less money from the state wont incite people to get a divorce. Conclusion: The divorce rate is not as low as it is believed. Indeed, mainly because it is compared with the U. S, Japans divorce rate is considered low. The main historical reason of this low divorce rate is the Meiji code and the new laws implemented in 1898, which complicated getting a divorce. Nowadays, people seems to be waiting the new law about pension in order to get a divorce, since people will be able to have a larger pension than what they could expect now. It is then highly probable that the divorce rate will rapidly increase after April 2007. Why Is the Divorce Rate so Low in Japan free essay sample Japan has gained a reputation of having a low divorce rate compared to other countries. Indeed, between 1945 and 1990, the divorce rate of Japan has never been higher than 1. 5 per 1000 population. Since the 1990s, the divorce rate of Japan increased, reaching 2. 08 in 2005. even if we can consider this a low divorce rate in comparison with the U. S, compared with other industrialized country, it is an average rate. Then, why is Japans divorce rate considered so low? We will see first why I do not consider Japans divorce rate low, then the historical reasons of the divorce rate, the actual reasons of the divorce rate and, finally, what to expect in the future. gt;gt; why do I not consider the Japanese divorce rate low? Since World War II, Japan has been considered a country with really low divorce rate. Indeed, according to the figure 1. 2, Japan divorce rate in 1945 was 1. We will write a custom essay sample on Why Is the Divorce Rate so Low in Japan? or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page 1 per 1000 of population. Since the 1960s, divorce rate in Japan has been growing, with a peak in 2002 when there have been 290,000 divorce. Since then, the divorce rate has decreased. In 2005, there has been 262. 000 divorce, and the divorce rate has been 2. 08 per 1000 population. Because a U. S. -Japan comparison formed the basis for the majority of divorce studies, the Japanese divorce rate appeared low. However, if Japan had been compared with Southern European countries like Spain, Greece, Portugal or Italy, its divorce rate would not have appeared particularly low. By 2000, the Japanese divorce rate placed the nation somewhere in the middle band of European countries, but still very low in comparison to the United States. Even though the American divorce rate has been declining in recent years, it is still extremely high compared with all European countries as the figure 1. 1 clearly shows. gt;gt; historical reasons of the actual level of the divorce rate? Elevated divorce rates in Japan arent a new phenomenon, indeed in the 19th century, Japanese divorce rates have been exceeded only by those in the 1970s in the United States. In the 19th century and before, it was fairly common for people to try marriage and to divorce if necessary. Remarriage was also normal for women and men. Even spouse testing was accepted inside the ociety. Only the samurai didnt follow this rule and married once and only. Until the introduction of the Meiji Civil Code of 1898, Japan had some of the highest divorce rates in the world. Under the old peasant marriage system, women were considered a valuable economic resource by families. Young wives were often tested out by the new family in trial marriages and if they did not me et the required standard, they were sent back home. Thus, most divorces occurred in the early stages of marriage. Remarriage rates for both men and women were high, but later marriages were usually stable. Harold Fuess wrote a book about the â€Å"forgotten history† of Japan divorce: Family, Gender and the State 1600-2000, by Harold Feuss. He explains how in 1898, the civil code and some new laws on family registration led to a sharp decline in divorce rates. One of the aims of the Meiji legislation was to discourage divorce and bring Japan more in line with European marriage and divorce trends. In its drive to modernize the country, the Meiji government managed to impose the anti-divorce values of the former elite Samurai classes on the general population. Samurai customs had previously only been associated with a very small fraction of the population. So successful were the governments efforts that nowadays most Japanese are unaware than their country once had one of the highest divorce rates in the world. The act in itself of codifying family regulation generated some frictions between customs, newly â€Å"invented traditions† and western legal practices, that made people believe of divorcing as a way of dishonoring ones family, group, or country. Therefore, between 1898 and 1940, the divorce rates declined. The strengthening of the institution of marriage was also helped by the economic growth and the industrialization of Japan. Indeed, thanks to the growth, each family had more or less a growing comfort level, it was usual for women not to work, in case of divorce, women were highly at a disadvantage: they could not support themselves, and therefore not a child. Marriage was therefore seen as an economic and social stability, furthermore, a new sexual morality has developed which reinforced the idea that marriage was a national disgrace and a poor reflection on women rights. Harold Fuess highlights the fact that the Japanese government has a big part of this idea that divorce is not part of the history of Japan. Indeed, in 1997, the government suppressed textbooks that reported the high divorce rates of the past. After World War II, Japan gained an undeserved reputation for low divorce rates, the current â€Å"explosion† of divorce rate is just Japan going back to the high level of the 19th century. gt;gt; what are the actual reasons of the divorce rate? As in other developed countries, the reasons why couples divorce are usually a complex combination of factors which vary from individual case and change over time. The most commonly cited reasons for Japanese divorce in the nineties were an extramarital affair, neglect of family, financial/economic problems, incompatibility, sexual problems, alcoholism, physical abuse and problems with in-laws. Some of the major social currents in the divorce equation were the changing concepts of marriage, a reluctance to have children, changing family structures, the emergence of more diverse family models, increased educational opportunities for women, enhanced female economic status, better career opportunities for women and positive media images of divorce, inter alia. But that are the reasons for divorce nowadays, lets concentrate on why people would not want a divorce, even when facing those problems. First of all, Japan is deficient in several areas of child support , most importantly having no mechanism in place for enforcing payment or collecting arrears. There is also no system for tracking down non-compliant fathers, no requirement to conduct DNA-paternity tests and no means for deducing money from the delinquent fathers salary. The courts normally do not take action if a spouse does not meet their obligations. To make matters worse, the legal framework for solving child support disputes is totally inadequate and requires an inordinate amount of time and money. People may not want to try and go alone in raising their children after a divorce considering all those problems concerning child support. Furthermore, the cost of rising a child in Japan is really high, therefore, with only one salary the perspective of rising children can be really hard. Indeed, after the divorce, usually children are under the care of their mothers, and the parental rights of the father are inexistent. Secondly, Divorce in Japan, like marriage, is easy if both parties agree to it. All you have to do is head for the Ward Office and fill out a Divorce Form. This is called kyougi rikon, or divorce by mutual consent, which happens, estimates a lawyer in about 80% of divorces. Assets, possessions, or property are divided up either informally or through the legal community. However, if both parties do not agree to divorce, things can get very messy. According to Japan Civil Code Article 770, there are five grounds for unilateral divorce: infidelity, malicious desertion (which for foreign spouses can include being deported), uncertainty whether or not the spouse is dead or alive for three years or more, serious mental disease without hope of recovery, or a grave reason which makes continuing the marriage impossible. What is considered a grave reason is unclear, and at the discretion of a judge if things go to court. However, the simple fact that you do not like each other anymore, i. e. a matter of irreconcilable differences, is not considered to be sufficient grounds. Here things begin to pinch. If one side refuses to agree to the divorce, you will have to negotiate until you do, which can take many years. You can legally separate, but this is not a divorce, and you cannot remarry. The fact that divorce can be so difficult in certain case leads people to seek legal separation instead of actual divorce. Plus, the access to court can be really difficult since there are not a lot of lawyer in Japan. Those are the two of the main reason why people do not seek to divorce in Japan, the difficulty of getting a divorce if there is no agreement, and the cost of rising children. gt;gt; what to expect for the future? Divorce may rise after a change in law in 2007. Indeed, spouses will be eligible for up to half of partners pensions. Hiromi Ikeuchi, author of The Costs and Benefits of Divorce in Middle Age, is convinced the decline since 2002 does not mean married couples have become more content. She believes many unhappy spouses have been biding their time since 2001, when discussions on changes to the pension system began. The revision was passed in 2004. Men have just recently begun learning about the new law that divides their employee pensions, but housewives have been aware of the change since around 2001. The recent dip in the divorce rate is merely the calm before the storm, and the number of divorces is likely to spike, even surpassing 300,000 in 2007. Though men appear blissfully unaware of the danger, Ikeuchi said many housewives, especially those over 50, are waiting patiently for the new rules to take effect. The new pension system was created to cope with the growing number of divorces among middle-aged couples and to support (divorced) women. Under the current system, divorced wives are only granted a basic pension of no more than 66,000 yen a month. By forcing husbands to share their employee pensions, which vary depending on average earnings and length of employment, a typical housewife could get up to twice as much if they hold out until April. There was also a change in the way welfare is distributed: all single parent households receive less money. Indeed, in 2006, a new law has been voted, the Health, Labor and Welfare ministry stopped giving the â€Å"mother child supplement† for depending children over 15 years old. 80% of single mother work. This figure includes widows, divorced women, and single mothers. They earn in average 30% of the income of an average household, and 17. % of them dont receive any money from the father of their children. This new law wont incite women to get a divorce, or on the contrary will incite them to marry and get a divorce. Indeed, as a never married woman with child receive less money than even a single father, and much less than a divorced woman. Therefore, it is more advantageous f or women to marry and then to divorce. Even if this change in welfare distribution may will be compensated by the law on spouse pension, the fact that single parents will receive less and less money from the state wont incite people to get a divorce. Conclusion: The divorce rate is not as low as it is believed. Indeed, mainly because it is compared with the U. S, Japans divorce rate is considered low. The main historical reason of this low divorce rate is the Meiji code and the new laws implemented in 1898, which complicated getting a divorce. Nowadays, people seems to be waiting the new law about pension in order to get a divorce, since people will be able to have a larger pension than what they could expect now. It is then highly probable that the divorce rate will rapidly increase. Why Is the Divorce Rate so Low in Japan free essay sample Since the World War II, Japan has gained a reputation of having a low divorce rate compared to other countries. Indeed, between 1945 and 1990, the divorce rate of Japan has never been higher than 1. 5 per 1000 population. Since the 1990s, the divorce rate of Japan increased, reaching 2. 08 in 2005. even if we can consider this a low divorce rate in comparison with the U. S, compared with other industrialized country, it is an average rate. Then, why is Japans divorce rate considered so low? We will see first why I do not consider Japans divorce rate low, then the historical reasons of the divorce rate, the actual reasons of the divorce rate and, finally, what to expect in the future. gt;gt; why do I not consider the Japanese divorce rate low? Since World War II, Japan has been considered a country with really low divorce rate. Indeed, according to the figure 1. We will write a custom essay sample on Why Is the Divorce Rate so Low in Japan? or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page 2, Japan divorce rate in 1945 was 1. 1 per 1000 of population. Since the 1960s, divorce rate in Japan has been growing, with a peak in 2002 when there have been 290,000 divorce. Since then, the divorce rate has decreased. In 2005, there has been 262. 000 divorce, and the divorce rate has been 2. 08 per 1000 population. Because a U. S. -Japan comparison formed the basis for the majority of divorce studies, the Japanese divorce rate appeared low. However, if Japan had been compared with Southern European countries like Spain, Greece, Portugal or Italy, its divorce rate would not have appeared particularly low. By 2000, the Japanese divorce rate placed the nation somewhere in the middle band of European countries, but still very low in comparison to the United States. Even though the American divorce rate has been declining in recent years, it is still extremely high compared with all European countries as the figure 1. 1 clearly shows. gt;gt; historical reasons of the actual level of the divorce rate? Elevated divorce rates in Japan arent a new phenomenon, indeed in the 19th century, Japanese divorce rates have been exceeded only by those in the 1970s in the United States. In the 19th century and before, it was fairly common for people to try marriage and to divorce if necessary. Remarriage was also normal for women and men. Even spouse testing was accepted inside the ociety. Only the samurai didnt follow this rule and married once and only. Until the introduction of the Meiji Civil Code of 1898, Japan had some of the highest divorce rates in the world. Under the old peasant marriage system, women were considered a valuable economic resource by families. Young wives were often tested out by the new family in trial marriages and if they did not me et the required standard, they were sent back home. Thus, most divorces occurred in the early stages of marriage. Remarriage rates for both men and women were high, but later marriages were usually stable. Harold Fuess wrote a book about the â€Å"forgotten history† of Japan divorce: DIVORCE IN JAPAN: Family, Gender and the State 1600-2000, by Harold Feuss. He explains how in 1898, the civil code and some new laws on family registration led to a sharp decline in divorce rates. One of the aims of the Meiji legislation was to discourage divorce and bring Japan more in line with European marriage and divorce trends. In its drive to modernize the country, the Meiji government managed to impose the anti-divorce values of the former elite Samurai classes on the general population. Samurai customs had previously only been associated with a very small fraction of the population. So successful were the governments efforts that nowadays most Japanese are unaware than their country once had one of the highest divorce rates in the world. The act in itself of codifying family regulation generated some frictions between customs, newly â€Å"invented traditions† and western legal practices, that made people believe of divorcing as a way of dishonoring ones family, group, or country. Therefore, between 1898 and 1940, the divorce rates declined. The strengthening of the institution of marriage was also helped by the economic growth and the industrialization of Japan. Indeed, thanks to the growth, each family had more or less a growing comfort level, it was usual for women not to work, in case of divorce, women were highly at a disadvantage: they could not support themselves, and therefore not a child. Marriage was therefore seen as an economic and social stability, furthermore, a new sexual morality has developed which reinforced the idea that marriage was a national disgrace and a poor reflection on women rights. Harold Fuess highlights the fact that the Japanese government has a big part of this idea that divorce is not part of the history of Japan. Indeed, in 1997, the government suppressed textbooks that reported the high divorce rates of the past. After World War II, Japan gained an undeserved reputation for low divorce rates, the current â€Å"explosion† of divorce rate is just Japan going back to the high level of the 19th century. gt;gt; what are the actual reasons of the divorce rate? As in other developed countries, the reasons why couples divorce are usually a complex combination of factors which vary from individual case and change over time. The most commonly cited reasons for Japanese divorce in the nineties were an extramarital affair, neglect of family, financial/economic problems, incompatibility, sexual problems, alcoholism, physical abuse and problems with in-laws. Some of the major social currents in the divorce equation were the changing concepts of marriage, a reluctance to have children, changing family structures, the emergence of more diverse family models, increased educational opportunities for women, enhanced female economic status, better career opportunities for women and positive media images of divorce, inter alia. But that are the reasons for divorce nowadays, lets concentrate on why people would not want a divorce, even when facing those problems. First of all, Japan is deficient in several areas of child support , most importantly having no mechanism in place for enforcing payment or collecting arrears. There is also no system for tracking down non-compliant fathers, no requirement to conduct DNA-paternity tests and no means for deducing money from the delinquent fathers salary. The courts normally do not take action if a spouse does not meet their obligations. To make matters worse, the legal framework for solving child support disputes is totally inadequate and requires an inordinate amount of time and money. People may not want to try and go alone in raising their children after a divorce considering all those problems concerning child support. Furthermore, the cost of rising a child in Japan is really high, therefore, with only one salary the perspective of rising children can be really hard. Indeed, after the divorce, usually children are under the care of their mothers, and the parental rights of the father are inexistent. Secondly, Divorce in Japan, like marriage, is easy if both parties agree to it. All you have to do is head for the Ward Office and fill out a Divorce Form. This is called kyougi rikon, or divorce by mutual consent, which happens, estimates a lawyer in about 80% of divorces. Assets, possessions, or property are divided up either informally or through the legal community. However, if both parties do not agree to divorce, things can get very messy. According to Japan Civil Code Article 770, there are five grounds for unilateral divorce: infidelity, malicious desertion (which for foreign spouses can include being deported), uncertainty whether or not the spouse is dead or alive for three years or more, serious mental disease without hope of recovery, or a grave reason which makes continuing the marriage impossible. What is considered a grave reason is unclear, and at the discretion of a judge if things go to court. However, the simple fact that you do not like each other anymore, i. e. a matter of irreconcilable differences, is not considered to be sufficient grounds. Here things begin to pinch. If one side refuses to agree to the divorce, you will have to negotiate until you do, which can take many years. You can legally separate, but this is not a divorce, and you cannot remarry. The fact that divorce can be so difficult in certain case leads people to seek legal separation instead of actual divorce. Plus, the access to court can be really difficult since there are not a lot of lawyer in Japan. Those are the two of the main reason why people do not seek to divorce in Japan, the difficulty of getting a divorce if there is no agreement, and the cost of rising children. gt;gt; what to expect for the future? Divorce may rise after a change in law in 2007. Indeed, spouses will be eligible for up to half of partners pensions. Hiromi Ikeuchi, author of The Costs and Benefits of Divorce in Middle Age, is convinced the decline since 2002 does not mean married couples have become more content. She believes many unhappy spouses have been biding their time since 2001, when discussions on changes to the pension system began. The revision was passed in 2004. Men have just recently begun learning about the new law that divides their employee pensions, but housewives have been aware of the change since around 2001. The recent dip in the divorce rate is merely the calm before the storm, and the number of divorces is likely to spike, even surpassing 300,000 in 2007. Though men appear blissfully unaware of the danger, Ikeuchi said many housewives, especially those over 50, are waiting patiently for the new rules to take effect. The new pension system was created to cope with the growing number of divorces among middle-aged couples and to support (divorced) women. Under the current system, divorced wives are only granted a basic pension of no more than 66,000 yen a month. By forcing husbands to share their employee pensions, which vary depending on average earnings and length of employment, a typical housewife could get up to twice as much if they hold out until April. There was also a change in the way welfare is distributed: all single parent households receive less money. Indeed, in 2006, a new law has been voted, the Health, Labor and Welfare ministry stopped giving the â€Å"mother child supplement† for depending children over 15 years old. 80% of single mother work. This figure includes widows, divorced women, and single mothers. They earn in average 30% of the income of an average household, and 17. % of them dont receive any money from the father of their children. This new law wont incite women to get a divorce, or on the contrary will incite them to marry and get a divorce. Indeed, as a never married woman with child receive less money than even a single father, and much less than a divorced woman. Therefore, it is more advantageous f or women to marry and then to divorce. Even if this change in welfare distribution may will be compensated by the law on spouse pension, the fact that single parents will receive less and less money from the state wont incite people to get a divorce. Conclusion: The divorce rate is not as low as it is believed. Indeed, mainly because it is compared with the U. S, Japans divorce rate is considered low. The main historical reason of this low divorce rate is the Meiji code and the new laws implemented in 1898, which complicated getting a divorce. Nowadays, people seems to be waiting the new law about pension in order to get a divorce, since people will be able to have a larger pension than what they could expect now. It is then highly probable that the divorce rate will rapidly increase after April 2007.

Oswald Boelcke - World War I Ace

Oswald Boelcke - World War I Ace Oswald Boelcke - Childhood: The fourth child of a schoolteacher, Oswald Boelcke was born May 19, 1891, in Halle, Germany. A rabid nationalist and militarist, Boelckes father instilled these viewpoints in his sons. The family moved to Dessau when Boelcke was a young boy and he soon suffered from a severe case of whooping cough. Encouraged to participate in sports as part of his recovery, he proved a gifted athlete taking part in swimming, gymnastics, rowing, and tennis. Upon turning thirteen, he desired to pursue a military career. Oswald Boelcke -Getting His Wings: Lacking political connections, the family took the audacious step of writing directly to Kaiser Wilhelm II with the goal of seeking a military appointment for Oswald. This gamble paid dividends and he was admitted to the Cadets School. Graduating, he was assigned to Koblenz as a cadet officer in March 1911, with his full commission arriving a year later. Boelcke was first exposed to aviation while at Darmstadt and soon applied for a transfer to the Fliegertruppe. Granted, he took flight training during the summer of 1914, passing his final exam on August 15, just days after the beginning of World War I. Oswald Boelcke -Breaking New Ground: Immediately sent to the front, his older brother, Hauptmann Wilhelm Boelcke, secured him a position in Fliegerabteilung 13 (Aviation Section 13) so that they could serve together. A gifted observer, Wilhelm routinely flew with his younger brother. Forming a strong team, the younger Boelcke soon won an Iron Cross, Second Class for completing fifty missions. Though effective, the brothers relationship caused issues within the section and Oswald was transferred out. After recovering from a bronchial illness, he was assigned to Fliegerabteilung 62 in April 1915. Flying from Douai, Boelckes new unit operated two-seat observation aircraft and was tasked with artillery spotting and reconnaissance. At the beginning of July, Boelcke was selected as one of five pilots to receive a prototype of the new Fokker E.I fighter. A revolutionary aircraft, the E.I featured a fixed Parabellum machine gun which fired through the propeller with the use of an interrupter gear. With the new aircraft entering service, Boelcke scored his first victory in a two-seater when his observer downed a British plane on July 4. Switching to the E.I, Boelcke and Max Immelmann began attacking Allied bombers and observation aircraft. While Immelmann opened his score sheet on August 1, Boelcke had to wait until August 19 for his first individual kill. On August 28, Boelcke distinguished himself on the ground when he rescued a French boy, Albert DePlace, from drowning in a canal. Though DePlaces parents recommended him for the French Legion dHonneur, Boelcke instead received the German life-saving badge. Returning to the skies, Boelcke and Immelmann began a scoring competition which saw them both tied with six kills by the end of the year. Downing three more in January 1916, Boelcke was awarded Germanys highest military honor, the Pour le MÃ ©rite. Given command of Fliegerabteilung Sivery, Boelcke led the unit in combat over Verdun. By this time, the Fokker Scourge that had begun with the arrival of the E.I was coming to a close as new Allied fighters such as the Nieuport 11 and Airco DH.2 were reaching the front. To combat these new aircraft, Boelckes men received new aircraft while their leader stressed team tactics and accurate gunnery. Passing Immelmann by May 1, Boelcke became Germanys preeminent ace after the formers death in June 1916. A hero to the public, Boelcke was withdrawn from the front for a month on the Kaisers orders. While on the ground, he was detailed to share his experiences with German leaders and aid in the reorganization of the Luftstreitkrfte (German Air Force). An avid student of tactics, he codified his rules of aerial combat, the Dicta Boelcke, and shared them with other pilots. Approaching the Aviation Chief of Staff, Oberstleutnant Hermann von der Lieth-Thomsen, Boelcke was given permission to form his own unit. Oswald Boelcke -The Final Months: With his request granted, Boelcke began a tour of the Balkans, Turkey, and the Eastern Front recruiting pilots. Among his recruits was the young Manfred von Richthofen who would later become the famed Red Baron. Dubbed Jagdstaffel 2 (Jasta 2), Boelcke took command of his new unit on August 30. Relentlessly drilling Jasta 2 in his dicta, Boelcke downed ten enemy aircraft in September. Though achieving great personal success, he continued to advocate for tight formations and a team approach to aerial combat. Understanding the importance of Boelckes methods, he was permitted to travel to other airfields to discuss tactics and share his approaches with German fliers. By the end of October, Boelcke had run his total to 40 kills. On October 28, Boelcke took off on his sixth sortie of the day with Richthofen, Erwin BÃ ¶hme, and three others. Attacking a formation of DH.2s, the landing gear of BÃ ¶hmes aircraft scraped along the upper wing of Boelckes Albatros D.II severing the struts. This led the upper wing to detach and Boelcke fell from the sky. Though able to make a relatively controlled landing, Boelckes lap belt failed and he was killed by the impact. Suicidal as a result of his role in Boelckes death, BÃ ¶hme was prevented from killing himself and went on to become an ace before his death in 1917. Revered by his men for his understanding of aerial combat, Richthofen later said of Boelcke, I am after all only a combat pilot, but Boelcke, he was a hero. Dicta Boelcke Try to secure the upper hand before attacking. If possible, keep the sun behind you.Always continue with an attack you have begun.Only fire at close range, and then only when the opponent is properly in your sights.You should always try to keep your eye on your opponent, and never let yourself be deceived by ruses.In any type of attack, it is essential to assail your opponent from behind.If your opponent dives on you, do not try to get around his attack, but fly to meet it.When over the enemys lines, never forget your own line of retreat.Tip for Squadrons: In principle, it is better to attack in groups of four or six. Avoid two aircraft attacking the same opponent. Selected Sources Ace Pilots: Oswald BoelckeFirst World War: Oswald Boelcke